by Walter Brasch
(part 1 of 2)
(part 1 of 2)
Donald Trump, who is commanding all of 1
percent of Black voters, according to an impartial Quinnipiac
poll, says he
could get as much as 95 percent of the Black vote in a second term. In June
2011, he had said, “I’ve
always had a great relationship with the blacks.” It’s
nothing less than political hyperbole in a campaign for a first term, and meant
to get a few thousand more votes in key states. However,
Trump’s past actions don’t mitigate whatever future plans he has.
In 1973, the
Department of Justice sued Trump Management for civil rights violations for
refusing to rent apartments to Blacks and Latinos who wished to live in
complexes that housed mostly whites. Trump, who was the corporation’s president
at the time, agreed he would drop a $100 million counter-suit, would provide lists
of vacancies in the 14,000 apartments Trump Management owned, and would cease
discriminating against minority applicants in exchange for the Department of
Justice dropping felony charges. Three years later, the Department of Justice
again filed against Trump for not fulfilling his promise.
Trump previously had declined
invitations to speak to conventions of the NAACP, Urban League, and the
National Association of Black Journalists. However, with Hillary Clinton’s
polling numbers rising and his decreasing, he has begun talking with Black and
Hispanic groups.
He is outspoken in
his hatred for President Obama, and is a leader of the “birther” movement that
claims the president was born in Kenya and, thus, unqualified to be president.
But, the birthers, who clinging to the flimsiest of all evidence to discredit
the nation’s first Black president, refuse to understand that Barack Obama’s
birth certificate was issued by a Hawaiian hospital and that his mother was an
American citizen, making him an American citizen.
Trump has called
Black Lives Matter a “threat,” and vowed if he is president he would tell his
attorney general to investigate the group. He didn’t say if he would
investigate White Lives Matter or numerous militant white nationalist groups
that support his campaign. He never repudiated the support of Ku Klux Klan
grand wizard David Duke or of campaign contributions by white supremacists and
racists.
Trump claims, with no evidence, that Afghanistan is “safer than
living in some of our inner cities,” and vowed if he were president he would
eliminate crime in the inner cities. He didn’t say how he would do that, but he
may be hiding a team of magicians in his advisory cabinet.
In a campaign appearance in Wisconsin last
week, he told Blacks they should vote for him because, “You live in poverty, your schools are no good, you have no jobs, 58 percent
of your youth is unemployed. What the hell do you have to lose?” He might just
as well have smeared burnt cork on his face and called himself Rastus.
On June 16,
2015, the day he announced he was running for president, Trump declared, “When
Mexico sends its people [to the U.S.], they’re not sending their best. . . .
They’re sending people that have lots of problems, and they’re bringing those
problems with them. They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re
rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.” The first reality is that Mexico
doesn’t send anyone to the U.S.; they come without government assistance or
sanction. The second reality is that most immigrants from Mexico and central
America countries are not criminals, rapists, or those who have problems; most
are hard-working people who wish to improve their lives and live on the fringes
of American society, often working in low-wage jobs, trying to blend into
American culture, without drawing attention to themselves. They don’t receive
welfare, food stamps, or free medical and hospital care. That’s because most
don’t apply for those benefits because they don’t want to attract attention
that could lead to their deportation. There’s a third reality. Trump and many
of his followers don’t recognize that Mexico has significant restrictions on
gun purchases, and most guns used by the cartels come from the United States. The
criminals who do come into the U.S. come with American-made guns.
Nevertheless,
Trump’s solution to the immigration
problem is to round-up and deport 11 million undocumented persons from many
countries. To make sure the U.S. is safe from immigrants, he has trumpeted a
call to build a 25–55 foot tall wall stretching almost 2,000 miles on the
U.S./Mexico border, and have Mexico pay for the $15–25 billion construction
cost. The estimate doesn’t include the yearly cost of adding border patrol
agents and equipment or the cost of sending the undocumented workers back to
their native countries. He also hasn’t addressed concerns about Mexican and
central American workers digging vast and elaborate tunnels beneath the walls,
nor illegal immigration by those who slip past the Coast Guard and enter the
country by private plane or boats. There’s also no provision to fence off the
northern border with Canada; apparently, Trump believes white-skinned Canadians
are more acceptable than brown-skinned Mexicans. Of course, there’s another
reality—Canadians, for the most part, have little desire to emigrate to the
U.S.
Trump said
federal judge Gonzalo Curiel could not be objective in a case involving fraud
charges against Trump University because “he’s a Mexican.” Curiel, a former federal
prosecutor, was born in Indiana. House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wisc.) called
Trump’s statements “racist.” Other Republican politicians have begun distancing
themselves from Trump. Nevertheless, trying to capture votes from the Hispanic
community, on Cinco de Mayo this year Trump tweeted a photo of himself eating a
taco bowl in a restaurant in Trump Tower, and said, “I love Hispanics.”
The Mexican
newspaper Milenio said Trump was “the
man who managed to make us miss the Bush clan.”
[Tomorrow:
Part 2—Donald Trump’s views about Jews and Muslims. Dr. Brasch is an
award-winning journalist who has covered government and politics at all levels
for four decades. His latest book is Fracking
America: Sacrificing Health and the Environment for Short-Term Economic Gain.]
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