by
Walter Brasch
Judge A. Joseph Antanavage, with shotgun
in hand, stood before a modified Confederate battle flag, and looked as if he
had planned to defend whatever it is that the Confederate flag stands for.
But, this wasn’t in the South. This was at
a pigeon shoot near Hamburg, Pa. Pennsylvania is not only where the only legal
organized pigeon shoots still exist, but where it’s not unusual to see shooters
waving the Confederate flag or wearing clothing that features the flag.
Pennsylvania is the Keystone state, the state
where the Declaration of Independence was written, and the Articles of
Confederation approved. It is where Abraham Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg
Address on Nov. 19, 1863, four months after the three-day battle led to 7,058
fatalities and 33,264 wounded, most with what would be life-long injuries. It
is where the country heard that
its Founding Fathers had believed, “all men are created equal.”
The beliefs of the Founding Fathers, even the
few who owned slaves, have not been accepted by hundreds of thousands of Americans
who are willing to tell anyone within voice range there are inferior races in
America.
Those who defend that flag—the symbol of
treason against the United States of America—say it is history, a part of the
South’s heritage. But it is a symbol of defiance that should have died with the
surrender at Appomattox Court House in 1865.
But it didn’t die. It was invigorated by the rise of the Ku Klux Klan, White Citizens Councils, and the declaration, “The South Shall Rise Again,” often spoken by men with guns and broken-down pick-ups.
But it didn’t die. It was invigorated by the rise of the Ku Klux Klan, White Citizens Councils, and the declaration, “The South Shall Rise Again,” often spoken by men with guns and broken-down pick-ups.
The original battle flag, with the
stars-and-bars, was square, and there were several variations. The rectangular
flag became popular in the Reconstruction era, so the heritage dates not to the
Civil War but to the era of racism.
The murder of nine Blacks at a church in
Charleston, S.C., reignited the fires of hatred as well as a realization that
the Confederate flag is a symbol of that racism. (Of course, while the nation
is talking about a flag, they have conveniently overlooked critical issues of
responsible gun control and civil rights.)
Nevertheless, Gov. Nikki Haley (R-S.C.),
following the murders, changed her view about the Confederate flag, padlocked
to its staff and flying proudly on the statehouse grounds. During the 1960s, it
was flown from on top of the state house, a symbol of protest to racial
integration. In 2000, it was moved to a staff on the statehouse grounds, the
result of a compromise by the Republican-controlled legislature and civil
rights groups. Gov. Haley wants the flag removed. But, she needs a two-thirds
vote of her legislature to do that. There are still legislators who, for the
cameras say they oppose segregation but that the flag is a respected symbol of
the South’s history.
The Sons of Confederate Veterans
say they will fight to keep the flag where it is, flapping in the wind, high
above the heads of Blacks, Jews, Hispanics, and all minorities. They say it is
their heritage. But, there are other ways to preserve a heritage. There are
articles, books, and documentaries. There are plaques, statues, and museums.
Some say they wave the flag because, like them it is a symbol of society’s
rebel. But, the only thing they rebel against appears to be the rights of all
people. Their defiance may hopefully relegate them to insignificant obscurity.
Georgia’s official flag, from 1956 to
2001, adopted as a defiant protest to civil rights, was dominated by the
stars-and-bars before finally being replaced.
Gov. Robert
Bentley (R-Ala.) ordered the Confederate battle flag removed from the Confederate
memorial on the state Capitol grounds. Gov. Terry McAuliffe (D-Va.) wants to ban the confederate flag from the
vanity license plates of the Sons of Confederate Veterans.
The Republican-dominated Mississippi
legislature has no plans to modify its state flag. That flag has a replica of
the Confederate flag in the corner where the American white stars on a blue
field would be, and a blue stripe, a white stripe, and a red stripe in the area
where the U.S. flag’s alternating red and white stripes would be. As long as
Mississippi and the South continue to fly the battle flag, some of the more
legitimate reasons for the South’s secession will forever be obscured by the racism
of slavery.
Major retailers—including Walmart, Sears, Kmart,
eBay, and Amazon—have banned the sale of flags and items with the Confederate
stars-and-bars decorations. Apple has removed
from its website and stores several games with the Confederate flag. Perhaps this should have been done decades
ago, but for whatever reason they are doing it now, it is a good reason.
There has been a strong brush-back by
Confederate sympathizers. Sales of the flag and flag-related items have
increased in the past week at retailers that have more of an interest in
profits than a moral conscience.
For southerners and other sympathizers who
are offended that a symbol of racism and treason may not be available to them,
there is an easy solution.
They can take a trip to northeastern Pennsylvania,
home of the Civil War Fishing Creek Confederacy, which actively opposed the
Union. In Summer, they can attend one of the largest monster truck rallies in
the nation; in Fall, they can attend the state’s largest fair. Vendors will
sell them a variety of Confederate battle flag trinkets, toys, and clothing. They
can buy flags from vendors, put them on their trucks, drive down Main Street, whoopin’
and a-hollerin’ as if they were the ones who are entrusted with protecting
white womenhood and the way of life that existed in ante-bellum America.
Or, if they can’t attend the rally and the
fair, they might be able to spend a weekend at one of a half-dozen pigeon
shoots, where they can dress like hunters, hold a shotgun meant to kill caged
pigeons, and proudly pose in front of the rebel flag.
[Dr.
Brasch is an award-winning social issues journalist and professor emeritus of
mass communications. The latest of his 20 books is Fracking Pennsylvania, an overview of the environmental and
health issues of horizontal fracturing, as well as the history, economics, and
politics.]